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The script is that of any electoral campaign: the investigations and arrests that this time are all the rage against the League herd; there are calls for the Crusades (some against immigration, others against another fascist danger); Meanwhile, simulations of what might happen are studied along with possible survey results. In short, nothing new. Once again there is, if anything, that the wheel is turning and those who attended the electoral campaigns in the control room of what was once called mechanical justice, today, however, find themselves in the unenviable role. Of the objective. See Luca Palamara, once leader of the National Association of Magistrates and now accused and disliked by the most politicized robes after wiretapping on his mobile phone revealed the gray area of the relationship between politics and the judiciary. «I also vent myself, I am living the experience of those who hope to have a fair trial and realize, instead, that they are only at the mercy of a firing squad. So far the reasonable times of the trial: they have set me twelve hearings in fifteen days because they want to reach the verdict before Davigo retires. “So far Palamara recounts his uncomfortable position today, then, however, the man who could be defined as Buscetta , the repentant of the interventionist judiciary, which precisely in an interception revealed the intention of the sectors of Malo’s “left” togata for Salvini, sees what is happening between the investigations, the arrests and the media return of the old woman research on Russia, the signs of that political logic: “If all this is the revival of the old game that now has the League in its sights? Exactly …”.
A clear, laconic and almost resigned answer. A bit like the ancients spoke of destiny. At this point everyone is taking into account the fury of judicial “prominence” on the eve of an electoral consultation. There is a kind of addiction, to the point that it is not even known how much it can affect public opinion. In fact, there are even those who bet that the effect is usually the opposite of what is desired. The truth that the sorceress Ghisleri explains is that people are upset. Even these arguments end up galvanizing voters as targets, who see their favorites as martyrs. It is a perverse mechanism: for example, what is the point of indicating the unpresentable on the lists two days before the vote? In any case, it should have been done weeks before to allow anyone who wanted to change the nominations. The truth is that now everything seems instrumental.
Instrumental to the point that repetition, the obviousness of the mechanism, these thirty years spent under the banner of the political use of justice, has made the phenomenon adopt traits of parody. It has also become difficult to take the “justicialist” network seriously, especially now that it has become the guardian of the orthodoxy of this government. Marco Travaglio, for example, infected by electoral fears, yesterday proposed himself as the new Indro Montanelli and asked the voters of Grillini to cover their noses and vote for the Pd candidates. At the same time, his newspaper, Il Fatto, on the one hand continues for the umpteenth time to make the front page, giving “voice” as usual only to the conjectures of the prosecutors, the history of the Lega’s accountants; On the other hand, it is relegated to the tenth page, assuming the defense attorney’s version of an absolute novelty in those parts: the story of Colleferro’s brothers who beat poor Willy to death, accused of having benefited, through their relatives, Basic Income. Reason? It is not appropriate on the eve of the vote to throw shit on the mother of all the grills fights, for which the organ of the house of Italian justicialism has reinvented itself as the standard-bearer of the instrumental “guarantee”. “A concrete guarantee the neo-Calendian, Enrico Costa son not of conviction, but of convenience”.
In fact, everything can serve to maintain a balance of government that appears even to the protagonists of the fragile majority 24 hours after the vote. The prime minister realized this and, after spending nearly a month forcing himself into strict silence, to escape possible electoral defeat, discovered the use of the word. And this is because beyond the official narrative that does not see an alternative to this government, one can turn it however they want, but consensus counts, and how. And the risk, in the worst case scenario, of having to govern a country with 17 governors against 20 would make anyone’s wrists tremble. That is why the North Star to understand what is going to happen is still the honest equation – of the Minister of Relations with Parliament, Federico D’Incà: “Apart from Val d’Aosta he explained weeks ago if there is a tie three to three (that is, to Pd go Campania, Puglia and Tuscany) we continue quietly; if it ends 4 to 2 (that is, the center-right conquers Puglia) it is a problem; if it is also lost in Tuscany, the problem worsens ».
Impeccable. And as to feel the air that pulls, anything is possible, fear is on the part of the majority 90. So much so that Giggino Di Maio, in deference to the cunning of his fellow citizen Pulcinella, speaks only of a referendum on the cut of parliamentarians, completely eliminating the appointment of regionals. His scheme, repeated to the loyalists, is simple: «If you lose in the regional, the defeat will affect only Zingaretti. On the contrary, I will be able to claim the victory, very likely, of the Yes in the referendum. So let’s see what happens: I am sure that the government will pass this test unscathed, otherwise the game will open and our strategy will be to avoid the elections at all costs.
So even if the narrative “made in” Casalino (the prime minister’s spokesman) imposes the “vulgar” that there is no alternative to Conte, tensions are not lacking beneath the surface of our local politics. Generic tensions that, however, an electoral defeat could shape. Photography is in the confidence that Matteo Renzi has allowed himself to be carried away with a friend: “Everyone asks me to go through the crisis, but nobody trusts how I want to do it.”
Therefore, it will be the result that decides if everything will remain immobile, if the old liturgy of “reorganization” in vogue since the time of Nero will be celebrated, or, again, if the prime minister will have a future. Everything is possible, nothing is taken for granted. The dilemmas of the Pd family remain: is it possible to face the challenge of the Recovery fund trapped in the culture (or rather, subculture) of the Grillina government? And again: after an eventual electoral defeat, the goal of electing a head of state in yellow and red sauce would still be within reach, would it not? There is no lack of doubts. «If it ends 5 to 2, it explains an old piddina fox like Umberto Del Basso De Caro. Conte will not even do the reorganization because the grillini that he takes out of the government the next day if he finds them in the opposition and with these numbers it is a problem. And then there is the risk that when we get to elect the head of state, a year after the elections and after a series of electoral defeats, among the grillini there will be those who will look to those who have more consent and the movement will become a supermarket for shopping in the center-right. So we will realize, sadly, that the idea that we will decide the new president was just an illusion. So, of course, after September 21 Conte will continue, but I don’t know how much it is convenient for the Democratic Party.
