[ad_1]
I do not want constitutionalists, writers, philosophers and various politicians, but the debate on the referendum on cutting parliamentarians it is taking on grotesque tones. The problem is not the content of the speeches, but the context.
For weeks we have been hearing about the Constitution, the representation of the territories, the money that would be saved and the efficiency of Parliament. All noble issues but that clash with the true feelings that would be animating the two political fronts.
Looking at the history of our country, one could safely say that this will be the referendum on the cut of parliamentarians more useless than ever. It is enough to see how it was born to understand how it is the result only of political tactics and not of high motivations in defense of the Constitution or the representation of the territories.
On October 8, 2019, the Chamber with 553 votes in favor, 14 votes against and 2 abstentions, definitively approved the reform of the parliamentary court that provides, as of the next legislature, a total scissoring of 345 parliamentarians (115 senators and 230 deputies).
The one who immediately objected is the Radical party, which organized a collection of signatures in the squares to request a referendum: compared to the 500,000 signatures required on January 10, only 669 were collected.
Senators who wanted the referendum
However, you can also request a referendum by presenting the signatures of 64 senators. In this regard, it must be remembered that in the two votes in Palazzo Madama on the reform, the votes against were 54 and 50 respectively.
On January 10, right on the wire before the reform became law, they presented 71 companies of so many senators: 42 from Forza Italia, 10 from Mixed, 9 from Lega, 5 from PD, 2 from Movimento, 5 Stelle, 2 from Italia Viva and 1 senator for life.
However, we must also remember the political context of that moment, with the fate of the government that seemed to be pending the vote in Emilia Romagna, so much so that the Conte’s government was considered unstable also due to the whims of Matteo Renzi who threatened a crisis over the issue of prescription.
According to the most malicious analysts, the authentic God of the machine of the referendum request was Matteo salvini, who wanted to open a small electoral window in the hope of an immediate government crisis. It would not be a coincidence that the nine signatures of the senators of the Northern League seemed to have opened a collection that seemed stagnant.
In fact, if the reform had immediately become law, it would take time to fix the electoral law by redesigning the Rosatellum schools. In the end, however, the center left won in Emilia and then the coronavirus came to erase all hope of early voting.
From its inception, this referendum would seem to have a not very noble character, without considering i costs for a consultation of this type, which has now also increased due to the double voting day that the current health crisis makes necessary.
The real reasons for yes
There are four parties that have openly sided with the Yes to the referendum: 5 Star Movement, Democratic Party, Lega and Fratelli d’Italia. It must be said, however, that between the ranks of the dem and the Carroccio there is no lack of distinctions of various exponents, including those of the first order.
me 5 stars I have always carried out this reform, starting the parliamentary process with the first government of Conte (that of the Lega) and bringing home the final approval with the current executive of Giallorossi.
The money saved and a more efficient Parliament thanks to the cut, however, are very weak motivations. The reform undoubtedly has only one character symbolic and the grillini, who are experiencing a huge drop in popularity and votes, need more to compact their constituency than anything else.
To really reduce the costs of Parliament, one should actually put their hand on the salaries and benefits of the deputies and senators, and perhaps Luigi di maio He should set a good example by reviewing his staff at Farnesina, which costs 711,580 euros per year, while that of his predecessor Enzo Moavero Milanesi cost 200,000 euros.
However, the cut in the number of parliamentarians can be considered as an appreciable first step, while nobody has the crystal ball to declare it on a better efficiency of the Chambers.
the Democratic party He had initially voted against the reform in Parliament, but then did not fail his votes once the Giallorossi government was born. Nicola Zingaretti, in fact, turned his green light to the promise of future electoral reform.
Relying on the Yes to the referendum, the dem would seem to have more interest than anything else: then approve the new proportional electoral law, the Brescellum scheduled at the end of the month, which would penalize Salvini and give the conditions for the birth of a pact between the PD and the 5 Estrellas.
In fact, if the next elections were to vote with the current electoral law, the center right it would win in all the majority schools and with the 50% attested by the ballot boxes it would fill the seats even in the proportional part.
Basically Matteo salvini he would become prime minister with a majority that could even reach two-thirds of Parliament, allowing him to change the Constitution without immediate risk of confirmatory referendums.
Returning to the referendum, the League he got in favor just not to lend his side to the 5-star attacks and because Salvini smelled the air of how it could end.
Brothers from Italy On the other hand, he has always had a consistent attitude: no senator of his has signed for the referendum request, always voting in favor in Parliament and now I support Yes.
The real reasons for No
If in the front ranks of the Yes the real motivations all seem to be inspired to look in their own backyard, also with regard to the deployment of the No to the referendum things would not appear to be much different.
Fewer MPs would mean less space for smaller partiesIt is no coincidence that everyone is united against reform. If then with the victory of Yes the Brescellum arrived as an electoral law, the the barrier threshold would increase from 3 to 5%.
This would mean that + Europe, Italia Viva, La Izquierda y Acción, according to polls in recent weeks, would continue to be everything outside parliament, and even Forza Italia would take many risks.
Regarding representation, the current problem is that deputies and senators they work little and badly, without considering that in the last elections Salvini was elected in Calabria and Boschi in Bolzano due to territoriality.
Then there are a good number of politicians and personalities from the world of culture who have aligned themselves with him. go against the 5 Star Movement, hoping perhaps to weaken a premier that the inevitable rumors would not please the “strong powers,” eager to see a brief technical government to manage the flood of money from the Recovery Fund.
This referendum battle would appear to be just one survival battle Among the various needs of the political parties, so much so that it is convenient to leave the constituent fathers and the democratic principles raised in recent weeks alone.
