Dr. Raghuvansh Prasad Singh (74), or Raghuvansh babu for those who have a ready connection to him, is a valuable upper-caste asset of a party surviving in backward caste politics, a loyal deputy to Rashtriya Janata’s boss Dal (RJD), Lalu Prasad since the late 1980s, the intellectual powerhouse of the party and a doctorate in mathematics.
He is also the anonymous architect of India’s largest social assistance program, the Mahatma Gandhi Rural Employment Guarantee National Act (MGNREGA) of 2005.
Singh, a man of unquestionable integrity, was the Union’s minister of rural development during the United Progressive Alliance (UPA-1) government (2004-09) when its political boss, Prasad, was minister of Railways.
Singh, a deputy from Bihar’s Vaishali constituency, was commissioned by the key social sector ministry amid a flurry of welfare activities that would soon transform welfare patterns for poor Indians.
To be sure, the MGNREGA faced its usual delay as at least three congressional heavyweights weren’t completely convinced of its usefulness and saw the program as a cauldron of leaking public funds.
One afternoon, as the president of the UPA, Sonia Gandhi, was passing by the Central Hall of Parliament, Singh approached her and informed her about the excessive delay in the development of the plan.
Within minutes, Gandhi summoned then-Defense Minister Pranab Mukherjee, who headed the Group of Ministers (GoM) at MGNREGA, and told him to accelerate the project.
Soon, MGNREGA was implemented in 200 districts of the country in 2006.
Singh was also instrumental in launching Indira Awas Yojana, a popular program to provide housing for the homeless that has since been renamed Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (PMAY) by the Narendra Modi government. Although Prasad consolidated his position through political maneuvering, Singh was seen by many as the face of the RJD’s development.
Singh’s association with Prasad dates back more than three decades. And he’s also perhaps the only leader who could openly criticize Prasad and walk away unscathed. He was once asked in an interview how he would rate Prasad’s achievements. Singh replied that in political management, his boss would get a perfect 10 out of 10, but as a manager, he deserved nothing more than a zero.
Singh’s baits inside the RJD took the opportunity to paint it in low light before Prasad. They quickly took the paper clippings to the head of RJD, demanding action against the former math teacher. The head of RJD, however, disappointed them: “Yes, he should not have said such a thing publicly, but what he has said is not wrong either.”
It’s the Prasad bond that kept Singh alive at the RJD. He did not leave Prasad despite the fact that Congress and other parties were always willing to accept him. In 2009, Congress had once again offered the Ministry of Rural Development, although the RJD had ceased to be an ally of the UPA. But Prasad disagreed.
Weeks before Bihar’s next elections, scheduled to be held as scheduled in October and November, despite the coronavirus disease (Covid-19) outbreak, Singh on Thursday submitted a handwritten resignation letter to Prasad. It said: “After the death of (former Prime Minister of Bihar) Karpuri Thakur, I was by your side for 32 years, but nothing more.”
Party insiders said his relationship with the new generation of RJD leaders has been under strain for a while.
At present Singh is admitted to the All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) in Delhi and is recovering from Covid-19 related complications.
Prasad responded to Singh’s letter and urged him not to join another party. “A letter written by you is circulating in the media. I can not believe it. I, my family and the RJD family want to see you get well soon. We will talk after he recovers. You’re not going anywhere. Just be careful, ”said the head of RJD.
There have been rumors that Singh could head towards Janata Dal (United), or JD (U) of Bihar CM Nitish Kumar, before the assembly elections.
Entry into the ruling field of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) may also help you regain your seat in Vaishali, which you have not won since 2009. It could be a win-win situation for both CM Kumar and Singh.
CM Kumar, who once received five tips on how to run the Bihar government from Singh written on a paper napkin on a flight, will get a reliable voice to represent the party in Delhi or even in Modi’s cabinet.
Singh, a low-key politician known for his grassroots style of politics, has been an unwavering advocate for the poor.
He had once written a letter to then-Prime Minister Manmohan Singh accusing a high-ranking minister of being anti-poor, or gharib-virodhi.
The then Chairman of the Planning Commission, Montek Singh Ahluwalia, had tried to mediate and told Singh that the chief minister was hurt by his letter and that he would want to accompany him to some of the villages to see how the rural programs were progressing.
“No,” Singh had replied, “you should come with me in the peak of summer in northern Bihar and stay in a village without electricity for at least three nights. Only then would I understand what it means to live in an Indian village. ”
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