As Narendra Modi spoke at the Muslim University of Aligarh, the BJP was emerging as the largest party in the Jammu and Kashmir District Development Council elections.
Archive image of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. AND ME
The most efficient electoral machinery in the world has once again functioned as an agile giant. This giant is not lanky. He doesn’t wave his arms awkwardly to terrorize his enemy.
It moves silently, quickly and silently like a herd of wild elephants. It moves with great purpose. Each movement is coordinated by a central processor: a single thinking mind or a committee or minds.
When the giant plays in Aligarh, a table vibrates in Srinagar. When a table shakes in Srinagar, a shaking builds up in Calcutta or Guwahati.
The electoral machine of the BJP has returned to work and, at the head, is the mind that controls and unleashes its power. Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
By Tuesday, seemingly disparate developments were unfolding in different locations. But these were strung by an invisible thread.
Modi confused fans and detractors alike when he gifted Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) at the centennial celebrations. He praised its founder Syed Ahmad Khan, who was also the true architect of the two-nation theory.
He described as “Mini India” the same AMU campus that served as the source of the banned Islamic Student Movement of India, and refused to remove a portrait of the founder of Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah.
The prime minister emphasized how the toilets built during his tenure have helped more Muslim girls to attend school, and the development and opportunities in this country are blind to religion.
As Modi spoke at AMU, the BJP was emerging as the largest party in the Jammu and Kashmir District Development Council (DDC) elections. He even won two seats in Muslim-majority Kashmir, one in Srinagar and the other in Tulail in Bandipora. The BJP had also invested its power in these local body elections, and for good reason.
The message of the two seemingly unrelated events targeting Muslims in Bengal and Assam, with populations of 27% and 34% respectively in these states, is that Modi is not an enemy of Muslims. That the community has nothing to fear from the prime minister. That it has made development more inclusive than what the so-called secular terrorists have achieved.
The message from Aligarh and Srinagar was sent to Kolkata and Guwahati, drenched from Medinipur to Dhubri. In an election as polarized as this one, these messages can soften vote consolidation. It particularly resonates with young and first-time Muslim voters, many of whom have aspirations similar to those of Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist or Christian youth.
Just the day before, the prime minister posted another seemingly disconnected tweet. Netaji Subhas Bose’s bravery is well known. A scholar, soldier and statesman par excellence, we will soon begin Jayanti’s 125th celebrations. For this, a high-level committee has been formed. Come on, let’s celebrate this special occasion in a great way! “
Netaji Subhas Bose’s bravery is well known. A scholar, soldier and statesman par excellence, we will soon begin Jayanti’s 125th celebrations. For this, a high-level committee has been formed. Come on, let’s celebrate this special occasion in a great way! https://t.co/kJedlpOHIU
– Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) December 21, 2020
Few would immediately connect the AMU’s centennial speech with the government forming a committee headed by Interior Minister Amit Shah to mark the 125th anniversary of Bose’s birth.
But in addition to giving the legendary freedom fighter his due, it is also a direct shot to the Bengali heart.
The BJP will leave no way unexplored to reach Bengal, one of its last frontiers. In the days ahead, we’ll see much more of this flawless political journey back in time through the past, present, and future.
Each of those journeys is interconnected and leads to the same destination: power.
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