In Hyderabad, municipal elections have suddenly turned into polarized identities. The Bharatiya Janata Party sent its main activists to identify all the concerns of the Hindu right: Pakistan, Kashmir, surgical strikes, Mughal refugees, Biryani, Ayodhya, Rohingya.
The Union Interior Minister Amit Shah promised to erase the “Nizami culture” from the city and turn it into a “Mini Bharat”. Shah began his campaign with a visit to the disputed temple located against the walls of the Charminar, the monument that has come to symbolize the city. BJP’s star activist, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Adityanath, was flown in for his signature signature – name change. “Hyderabad,” of Islamic origin, would be replaced by “Bhagyanagar,” he promised.
Even Prime Minister Narendra Modi paid a low-key visit, ostensibly to verify a vaccine development facility. There is no connection, presumably, with the fact that the BJP promised free vaccinations and tests if they voted for power in the elections, scheduled for December 1.
It is a staggering load of problems for a municipal election to endure.
Two birds with one stone?
The BJP may have two high-stakes battles to fight in this election. For some time now, he has been gaining ground on Telangana Rashtra Samithi from Telangana’s chief minister, K Chandrashekar Rao. After its recent victory in the by-elections in the Dubbaka constituency, the saffron party appears to have seen an opportunity in Telangana. Winning the Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation, which has 24 assembly seats, could be a promising start to a statewide battle.
For years, KCR unquestionably ruled Telangana. But many have grown restless under his authoritarian style of government, his alleged breach of poll promises and the mismanagement of the recent floods. His party became the face of Telangana’s demand for statehood, but the old regionalism will soon be overshadowed by communal identity politics. The BJP has already used this policy to make inroads in various states.
The BJP may also be trying to stage a larger political battle for a national audience. Hyderabad is the home of Asaduddin Owaisi and his All India Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen. Of the 150 seats of the municipal corporation, about 50 are in the Muslim-majority areas of the Old City, which has been the traditional stronghold of the AIMIM.
Outside of Telangana, Owaisi’s party is increasingly projected as the “Muslim” alternative in electoral contests. For the first time, he won five seats in the Bihar assembly. He has also announced his intention to contest seats in Tamil Nadu and is said to be outlining plans for the West Bengal elections in 2021. These are not constituencies that the BJP would win or even judge. But by painting AIMIM as a threat, he could hope to consolidate the Hindu vote.
At a Road Show in Malkajgiri, Hyderabad. https://t.co/NyMQNobSJ1
– Yogi Adityanath (@myogiadityanath) November 28, 2020
Ruined city
Not that polarization is new to Hyderabad. The city has a history of battles, riots, and bomb explosions that have often divided the communities that live in it. Paranoia about Rohingya refugees in the Old City has been stoking for years. Community rhetoric is routinely brought to light in state and general elections.
But the governments in charge of the city also managed to overcome these conflicts to write a different story: Hyderabad as a center for software and education, Hyderabad as a modern and progressive city. The Nizami culture that the BJP seeks to destroy was considered the heritage of all its residents, Hindu or Muslim.
Another issue is that Hyderabad’s growth story has lost some of its luster in recent years. Observers suggest that the average Hyderabadi cares more about poor roads, poor sanitation, medical care, and education. At a time of economic crisis, a large part of its residents find it difficult to even buy food. This fast-paced electoral battle has stifled civic issues that need urgent attention. Hyderabadis deserved better than this.
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