Rasheed kidwai
Journalist and senior author
The death of the AICC treasurer, Ahmed Patel, has left a deep void in Congress. Patel was literally a one-man army, now requiring at least four replacements in the party fighting on many fronts, including a kind of mutiny.
In this context, the internal problem-solving mechanism becomes important. At first glance, there is no shortage of leaders, from veterans Ashok Gehlot, Captain Amarinder Singh, Kamal Nath, P Chidambaram, and K Raju to Ajay Maken, DK Shivkumar, and mid-level KC Venugopal to Sachin Pilot’s younger group, Milind Deora and Bhanwar Jitendra Singh to play the role of a crisis manager, but somehow none of these three rungs of party leaders can put themselves in Patel’s place.
Patel’s ability to listen to and hide differences within the party was part of the folklore of Congress. He only solved some of the biggest crises Congress faced: from smoothing relations between the National Advisory Council led by Sonia Gandhi and the PMO led by Manmohan Singh, to the most recent revolt by a group of dissidents known as the G-23. Informally, more than a dozen dissident leaders had told him they would stay in Congress.
With Patel gone, the big question hovering in party circles is whether some of these restless leaders would be left behind. And, most importantly, who will sit down patiently and resolve differences amicably? The near absence of a leader who has the means of acceptance, patience and neutrality to reach a peace agreement can sharpen and accelerate the internal division of Congress.
Also, there is a question mark as to whether the Rahul Gandhi team would show a greater willingness to deal with those who disagree with them internally. The rumor in Congress is that Rahul’s key advisers want the announcement of the party’s polls. They are contemplating a showdown for the position of party chairman. Those who defend this line of thinking say that Rahul should stop wavering and assume command and direct the organization of Congress according to his instincts, whims and political fantasies.
In this scheme of things, Sonia Gandhi, who is currently the acting head of the party, is expected to take a rather apolitical and “neutral” stance, while Priyanka Gandhi is likely to declare her open support for the new party chief.
Controlling the AICC secretariat and the party apparatus is a relatively easier task for Rahul and his associates. But in purely electoral terms, this decisive strategy has limited dividends. From Assam to Bengal, Tamil Nadu and Puducherry (Kerala has a well-established UDF alliance), Congress lacks a skillful party manager to negotiate alliances.
Patel’s relationships across partisan lines ensured that Congress could do a lot. He was the bridge between parties such as the Samajwadi Party led by Mulayam Singh Yadav, Rashtriya Janata Dal led by Lalu Prasad Yadav, Jharkhand Mukti Morcha led by Shibu Soren, NCP led by Sharad Pawar or DMK led by Stalin. And in his typical style, he gave all the credit to Sonia, who had her own deft way of winning allies and strengthening the bond. This was evident during Rahul’s 17-month term as the 87th president of the AICC (December 2017 to May 2019) when the allies preferred to speak and deal with Sonia under the guise of president of the UPA.
It was Patel, for example, who convinced her to consider the Shiv Sena as an ally in Maharashtra to keep the BJP out, even though Kerala’s Congressional unit had opposed an alliance with a hardline Sena. Similarly, he was instrumental in passing key bills at the UPA and during the election of Pranab Mukherjee and Hamid Ansari as president and vice president, respectively. Even within Parliament, floor leaders like Ghulam Nabi Azad, Anand Sharma and Adhir Ranjan Chaudhary lack the sympathy or seriousness needed to team up with parties that are not part of the NDA. If Azad is replaced by Mallikarjun Kharge as leader of the opposition in the Rajya Sabha, the changing of the guard will hardly make any difference.
As of 2014, the coffers of Congress are constantly drying up as there are signs of reduced spending related to elections, employee salaries or the cost of administration. Patel, like predecessors Motilal Vora and Sitaram Kesri, was the treasurer of the AICC par excellence, raising funds from corporate and individual sources and distributing them discreetly. Looking at the current talent pool, there is hardly anyone who can do that job. The option of bringing Vora back is out of the question as the veteran leader is 92 years old and not holding up too well. In congressional circles, Rahul’s former aide Kanishka Singh is seen as a person being groomed for that role. Milind Deora and Rajiv Shukla are two other contenders who enjoy sympathy and attract the respect of some trading houses.
But having been out of power since 2014, the new treasurer’s job of raising funds and courting new friends would not be easy. In any case, crossing party lines, there is a circle of mystery about how political funds are raised and how the money is raised.
Enthusiasm for presidential or party elections is one thing and organizing such a gigantic exercise is another. If Rahul throws his hat into the ring, he must ensure the victory of his entire team, that is, the election of the state heads of unit. Here again, we will deeply miss Patel’s services. He had a fantastic network within Congress. Patel could get things done with a single phone call.
In fact, for rallies, protests, programs and fundraising, he was the go-to person. No one in the Congress organization has that kind of reach or influence anymore. For a time, both Ashok Gehlot (when he was organizational secretary general) and Digvijaya Singh (when he was general secretary) had displayed some qualities. The Chief Minister of Rajasthan is apparently unwilling to transfer to the AICC secretariat. In any case, Rahul will be under pressure to bring in someone younger.
Simply put, after Patel, Congress is ready to witness some stormy and uncertain times.
