“Viktor Orbán was hated by the communists because he was the first to deceive and humiliate them”



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We speak to the journalist Gábor Mező, who is an investigator on regime change and the “network”. He has made several books and films on the disintegration of the secret service in the 1980s and 1990s, the incorporation-transformation and survival of the Moscow power line in the daily life of democracy. The expert was asked about the heroes and betrayals of regime change.

Gábor Mező Photo: Péter Gyula Horváth / PS)

– One of the most emphatic cinematographic formulations of the monotonous absurdity of the Kádár regime is “Freedom is here”. you can see it in the movie (like the first big slap, just in the first scene) when the bullfighters of the room painting technique paint the “imaginary ceiling” in snow white with pemzliks that evoke the torch of the Statue of freedom. How can the “invisible ceiling” be achieved in the field of research?

“That movie is brilliant, previously recommended by a friend because I didn’t even know it before. Which is a shame in itself, for some reason they were completely forgotten. Usually it’s a scene like the whole movie that only we can understand. “We Eastern Europeans. Apparently absurd, surreal, but also our history. Because where else did the Sagittarians become ÁVH, did the ÁVH become cultural popes, like the sower Kardos or Komlós? Or cable-cut Democrats?” of bigoted communists, enthusiastic and bloated people like Gyula Horn? Only here. Sometimes the whole regime change seems like a strange comedy or play. Because there were real regime changers, but everything was already arranged in advance in the background. The transfer of power in key areas: culture, law, finance, foreign trade, diplomacy, the media, classified?

– György Krassó can be considered a martyr for regime change. Who else were the “crazy saints”?

– For me, Crasso’s circle is decisive, he saw everything very clearly, he was a bit silly and a great hedonist, but he was very good morally and in his anti-communism. He didn’t even have a chance to enter parliament, but what would he have done there? I remember one of Hobo’s songs that he wrote about legends of dead music. “What would Jimi Hendrix look like at 70 and what would he do between them?” What would Crash do in parliament now? How about the last thirty years? Especially for the top twenty. Or how about Dénes Csengey? Perhaps it is better not to see everything.

The Hungarian October party organizes a commemoration directed by György Krassó in front of the Corvin cinema on October 22, 1989 in Budapest (Photo: MTI / Zsolt Demecs)

– The shrunken souls of “Freedom Here” roll with the torn Mosquitz to the border crossing like a bus with children. I would go on a class trip to Disneyland. This childishness, naivety is very sad and tragic.

“I don’t want to belittle them, because I could have been running there to Vienna then.” Although he was not attracted to consumer culture at an early age.

But we really thought freedom was here, they lied about catching up with Austria soon, which was also helpful because then it was possible to put pressure on the MDF government: well where is Austria?

As if in the West it would have been better to have a good washing machine and a television and a VCR. It was no better, and it is no better today than packing everything in our room and pressing the phone.

It’s easy for them anyway, they got away with fifty years of communism and then the period that followed. So I find the way Western politicians conspired with our post-communists to sit down and negotiate with Horn and the others unpleasant. It would be fair to go back in time and give a little push to the Rákosi dictatorship and to Kádár’s communism there as well. To steal their countries too, to cheat their societies too.

Then he would feel the anger felt by a Carasso or István Csurka, who was quite far from him in many things.

– Another question stolen from a Hungarian classic: “Why did the communists eat the communists?”

– That’s what his whole story is about. To devour allies first, to devour everything, then to fall on enemies and finally on others. Always the same, over and over the same scheme.

It is good for them to be able to choose martyrs among themselves, such as the cruel interior minister, László Rajk, or later the Imre Nagy, who really bravely acted in the shadow of death, but swept the attics before him, ordering the evacuation of the suebians.

Or more recently Árpád Göncz, Uncle Árpi, who, according to the revolutionaries, betrayed his fifty-six spiritualities, I think the whole regime changed when he went to bed with the MSZP. Now a subway station is named after him. Faces? Who was persecuted in fifty-six and beyond? No average person knows who Krasso is. I wouldn’t even know if I didn’t deal with this.

In 1990, on the first anniversary of the death of János Kádár, the Labor Party held a commemoration at the Imre út cemetery. In the picture: Jánosné Kádár (Photo: MTI)

– How to define “network”? What was your purpose? From his books and articles, as well as from his movies, it seems that Restore and maintain the Kádár regime, while maintaining the interests and power of the “network” itself.

– Now I could paint the “network” as a flexible but very strong fabric, a spider web, which included the main politicians of the eighties, let’s say from Charles Grósz down, foreign winners, impex leaders, well-known journalists, radio operators , television scientists, various banking economists, starting with Sándor Demján, head of the Banco de Crédito, and then Gábor Princz, the post-banker, who financed all of this, continuing with pressured billionaires like Gábor Várszegi, János Fenyő and others. But it also includes actors, once-dominant cultural cadres, like KISZ’s Tivadar Farkasházy, former Impev István Vágó, Henrik Havas, a star reporter from the garage master, and his colleagues. Sure, there were talented people among them, let’s say that’s not even true for the Lemon-licking House of the Wolf, but they were all pushed in one direction.

People’s brains were washed at Weekly Week and the much more miserable Eagle Cabaret, and people didn’t realize they were applauding the same people they had before.

Many people still do not know that most of the texts by the genius Hofi were written by a former ÁVH János Komlós.

Henrik Havas and Tamás Forró of Nap Television at work, September 8, 1990, in Budapest (Photo: MTI / Kiss G. Péter)

– Was the network a state within a state?

We absolutely must see the period when old Kádár is cast aside and replaced by Grósz, who has toured America and the West with the impex leaders.

Then the stores closed, they already knew exactly what was going to happen, who did not know because he was old, intolerant and lined, or died like Kádár or was left out. Like the stone communist Muscovite, Gyula Thürmer.

Anyway, finally gross. I wrote about how difficult it was to live with ingratitude. He helped people make a fortune, and got nothing but his illegally built fishing tackle, so he even eliminated the unfortunate ones. Mihály Kovács, an agricultural banker, at least took his son with him.

The system must also be seen in this: the communist cadres also consciously trained their children.

Many times one went to state security and the other went abroad.

– “Sugar, salt and everything that is good”. Is this how the communist pindur-pandur Klára Dobrev did it?

– Yes, the little ones did the same.

Antal Apró’s son went to state security, and his daughter, Apró Piróka, to the foreign trade line. He met Petar Dobrev, who was obviously working as a spy, and we got Klara Dobrev. But other families did the same, they knew that the future belonged to foreigners.

It is no coincidence that small cadres were sent en masse to Brussels and Europe, including an army of one that graduated from KGB MGIMO training. They are sensible, educated people who speak languages ​​and, above all, they are people with principles and blackmail. Let them know who found it. It is no coincidence that they still lie so well in the Union and in the United States today.

– How were the opposites structured within the opposition? What conspiracy theories exist and what is the reality?

– I think Ágnes Hankiss first wrote about the combination of state security under the pseudonym “NE”, about the action plan, which was about the division of the “hostile opposition” at the time. We made a movie, it was Broken Hungary.

The opposite was a fact: It is an urban urban war that has been going on for a hundred years and has been poisoning the country ever since, although perhaps to a lesser extent today. He insisted on state security for that.

With the help of his agents, men, and officers, he escalated the contradictions, spread to politicians of Jewish descent that X was anti-Semitic, and told X “these Jews” to look down on him. He may even have had a basis in his case, he just had to be excited. At the same time, the people who infiltrated the parties, these are staggering numbers, even though we don’t know all the files, they have also dissolved the parties. Politicians who wanted a radical and real change in the regime were expelled, expired and isolated. What can I say, it went well.

Of course, it wasn’t difficult, the press attracted roughly ninety percent to the MSZP and SZDSZ, not to mention how many of the editors-in-chief and storytellers were recruited.

Dénes Csengey, board member of the Hungarian Democratic Forum, speaks at a demonstration of alternative organizations in front of Hungarian Television in Szabadság Square, whose participants symbolically occupied the television building on March 15, 1989 in Budapest (Photo: MTI / Krista Gábor)

– What does the term “peaceful transition” mean? Feeling some kind of “network cynicism” in him.

– The “peaceful transition” was the great slogan of regime change.

The peaceful transition itself is a big scam: whoever doesn’t want this, the riots, is supposed to want the fight, the blood. Not at all Royal responsibility, due diligence, regulated privatization, real compensation – that’s what the real regime change wanted.

“Then, the public was precisely framed and adjusted so that regime change could not have happened otherwise. This is how it was intended.

– yes He was harassed by journalists and editors-in-chief who are known to have worked for state security. This is stated in the state security reports: “Let us make it clear to the network contingent that if we ever have a full identity of interest now. We can now do everything we can to ensure that the democratic transition takes place under peaceful conditions, under the leadership of the MSZMP. If this is not the case , he will have to fear that the secrets will be revealed. We could also say that we are rowing in a boat “. The cynicism of the last sentence well characterizes the entire operation of the network.

– Where will we be in 2020, 10 years after the real regime change?

– There is something we can be happy about. So small battles can already be won. That István Szabó, who denounced his classmate to state security, did not receive the award for the work. That it is no longer great to joke with Trianon today, that this topic is no longer for the extreme right, but ours, we can talk about it with calm and sobriety. In the 1990s, everyone who talked about it was still fascinated. Or take the media. Today I can write my series without an antisemitic charge. This is a huge thing, because I write about many Hungarians of Jewish origin, who had almost nothing to do with Judaism. Both were apostates and unconventional in both cultural and religious terms. I used to be very critical of the Antall government, the conservative world of the 1990s, but I have to admit, they worked with an amazing headwind. In all areas.

Now the field has leveled off a bit, even if the labels are given again. We are the propagandists, they are the independents. The eternal ones are independent.

Prime Minister József Antall at the session of the National Assembly on September 16, 1992 in Budapest (Photo: MTI / Czech Attila)

– How can the old Moscow line, the strong people of the system, now be the voice of the “democratic civic network”?

– Apparently many owners, changed hosts. The Soviet Union suffered many graduated cadres from MGIMO or other prominent universities: foreign salaried workers, journalists, diplomats, etc. – and they changed, the UN, the Union, they went west. Another question is how they can be trusted, as potential intelligence and spies once worked almost safely for state security, perhaps even for the KGB. However,

the objective remained the same: to overthrow the right-wing national governments, strong and relatively independent countries, anyone who is not on the imaginary and lonely path of salvation.

Even today, the media is full of too many people, incredulous journalists and reporters who, even before the regime change, licked what was expected of them, and still do.

– What kind of “deal” did Vikor Orbán cross with his speech at Imre Nagy’s funeral?

“I looked at the articles, the demonstrations of the time, and felt terrible anger and resentment.

The young Orbán initiated the peaceful transition “agreement”, a funny commemoration, when he demanded the immediate withdrawal of Soviet troops. That was not the case.

It was not because the CIA’s Mark Palmer, the then-United States Ambassador, the SZDSZ, the Historical Justice Commission, and the others had agreed, that everything was not organized in advance.

It was a final stage for Miklós Vásárhelyi to forgive the Party on behalf of the fifty-six, and practically the communist Imre Mező was also classified as a martyr. They understand, right? He washed my communist namesake with fifty-six heroes.

Viktor Orbán on the stage of the Buda Park, at the Fidesz Party Congress, June 1, 1990, Budapest (Photo: MTI / Imre Földi)

It was all made up, chief spokesman Népszabadság shot down the joint letter from the widow of Imre Mező and Vásárhelyi on June 8, calling for reconciliation. What were you looking for in Vásárhelyi? The man who called Cardinal Mindszenty a worm and who reported the on-site report of the post-Peter provocation. Now we know about the latter that ÁVH organized how the then Free People propagandist got there, obviously it had nothing to do with defending the state, right? And was it he who represented the fifty-six, a man with such a past? Nana, who wrote the joint open letter with the widow of the communist line Imre Mező, who else?

Meanwhile, György Krassó and the other radical regime changers were expelled from the ceremony, the national Erika Laczik was still young at the time, then said they might have cried. He watched the agents and the many communists parade on the festive bus while they, with Crasso, were downstairs.

Meeting of the National Assembly. In the foreground is Viktor Orbán, then Prime Minister.

– So Viktor Orbán publicly humiliated the communists and the “network”?

“It was fantastic that he did it, there was blood in his pussy for him, many were happy for him and he was a great political boost. In addition to him, at the new funeral, Sándor Rácz gave another memorable speech, he is one of the few leftists who remained authentic until the end of his life. He said that the Communist Party should cover up. Because the Hungarian life of these 43 years depended on them. Quotes from him: “The Hungarian people only had to endure it, and the Hungarian society was very involved in this”. I have heard this snippet of speech several times before and always shudder. Now too. We really broke. In hindsight, I always imagine Miklós Vásárhelyi’s face, he might have cut off a head like Comrade Bástya when he bit the lemon from the horse. “Well, that’s not what it was about, please!”

I think Orban was hated first because he could really rip them off. But communists are deceived by powerful power, because they themselves are masters of deception, mimicry, lies.



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