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Partizán gave a special interview on Monday night: Márton Gulyás visited one of the richest Hungarian businessmen at his home in Nyíregyháza, where he is under house arrest. The hundreds of billions of dollars Bige Empire, built from fertilizer production, was attacked by authorities years ago: NAV, police and disaster management also regularly raided its factories, while charges were also brought. criminal charges against the employer for private charges.
In addition to the edited video, you can also listen to a full three-hour audio recording of the conversation, based on the latter, we selected Bige’s strongest statements by topic. The entrepreneur mentions at one point that he is in this interface precisely because he has the opportunity to express his opinion at length, in detail, but not even 190 minutes is insufficient to clarify the complex business, political and criminal issues of the last 30 years. Even the most important are not easy to summarize well in a few paragraphs, and many of Bige’s stories are difficult to verify. Still, it is important to explain some of his claims, as he began to appear not only in international economic news, but also in government communications, where he is treated as a “red baron” and a “new Simicka” preparing for a government. . decision.
I tried to react to Bige’s statements with the mixed figures, Sándor Csányi, Gábor Kubatov and Zsolt Semjén, with mixed results.
Contradictory communication
Bige, who has long been on the richest list, has been the subject of several official proceedings in recent years. According to the latest news, the court ordered his criminal supervision in January, leaving the billionaire suspected of bribery and dishonesty.
until April, you can only leave your place of residence with permission and you must use a tracker. This is not a normal interview situation and Bige is not an experienced speaker.
He immediately engages in the introductory question of a quick review of the proceedings against him, but then he dissolves, tells stories, and tells things that are no longer used to be told on camera above a level. His youth in Transylvania, his social inequalities and philanthropy, his vague ideas of economic policy and his cycling to the store are discussed. He explains why he considers having a bodyguard a perversion and why he “doesn’t like being rich in a poor country.” He describes himself as a “sober peasant,” but admits he’s used to “currency futures,” by the billions, on billion-dollar items, and sometimes he falls big, sometimes he wins big.
Hunting and politics
Then Goulash, with a deft jerk, begins to ask about hunting, talks about home decor and trophies, and then the light talk spreads to explore Bige’s political connections. Because he likes to present himself as a politically independent actor, a 2004 story highlighted that he has many connections on both sides.
At that time, five parliamentarians from the left and four from the right participated in the “pig pig”, among them Miklós Hagyó, who had become a symbol of corruption, and Zsolt Semjén, who later gained “fame” with his expensive hunting.
Bige now essentially claims to have misled public opinion along with politicians.
It was the official saying at the time that Bige was the host at a cost of a million a head. However, according to the contractor, it was just a cover story afterwards, he arrived as a mere guest, but when the scandal broke that politicians were conducting expensive hunts here, he was “asked” to take it all in his name and pay. . . “They didn’t thank me very much, but I didn’t even demand it.”
I asked Zsolt Semjén,
what is the truth of this and if he would still accept László Bige’s gift today, and if politicians often take high-value hunts. The deputy prime minister has not responded since Tuesday morning.
Business and politics
Gulyas asked in vain why Bige paid to hunt down influential politicians. The HVG, which published the list of the hunting company, had an idea anno: the situation of the national nitrogen production depended to a large extent on the additional duties imposed on the fertilizer and the representatives who voted for it.
“I have never been a favorite or a beneficiary of either party,” says Bige, but Fidesz and socialist ministers like János Veres and János Lázár appear again and again in their stories, dropping the end of the interview to campaign for favor of several local politicians. .Support (“no one has anything to do with that, with my taxed money I do what I want”).
At one point, the billionaire surprisingly talks openly about being “forced” to fund Fradi after 2010:
for a few years he supported Fradi with “a few hundred million”, with his chairman, the leader of the Fidesz party, Gábor Kubatov, sometimes going for coffee.
The following dialogue takes place between Gulyás and Bige:
– Was that defense money?
– No, it was a deal.
– What was the deal for?
– I will not say. In the end, I went wrong.
Immediately afterwards, he tells the story of the “type of personalized tax”: during the ministry of János Kóka of the SZDSZ – and the famous hunt of the grand coalition – the import of natural gas, which is fundamental for Bigé, became more expensive , also under the government of Fidesz. That’s when Bige paid Fradi his own confession, but then the government recovered the tax with a multiplied amount. “We do not pay Fradi and some companies after,” concludes Bige’s story.
I asked Gábor Kubatov,
Is it true that you made an agreement with László Bige to that effect, that the billionaire supported the FTC with large sums of money, and that you met several times in person? The party leader did not respond to me, but accused 444 of anti-Semitism on his Facebook and accused me of sending him the email at 3 in the morning. Bige was unusually outspoken, but did not respond to his direct allegations either there or in any other forum that suited him.
Csányi and the sentence
Bige revealed that before the privatization of Tiszamenti Vegyiművek in 1996, he had negotiated the loan with Gábor Pricz, a postal bank, and had also written a letter to Prime Minister Gyula Horn as an unknown businessman from Nyíregyháza. Then, in the financing of the privatization of the company, OTP finally entered, they won the contest, and since then their destiny was intertwined with that of their hunting partner, Sándor Csányi.
“Alexander was a good guy, it was good to take a break with him. We were together a lot. He was a good man ”, repeats Bige, strictly past.
Their relationship has an extensive literature. Already in 2014, in the presence of Viktor Orbán, the head of the Prosecutor’s Office called his rival from the agricultural industry “on the road”, and since 2019, Bige has openly stated that Csányi is behind the official process against him. Denies this to the bank manager.
At one point, says Bige, “he does not want to answer,” who could have instigated the process against him, if not Csányi. But it’s not difficult to explain, and then Bige makes it clear that “the people of Csányi” are responsible. According to their checking account, they separated in such a way that they “never really got together.” Csányi had a “unique phrase” before Christmas 2008, which Bigée “didn’t like” and that changed everything. Bige doesn’t reveal what this sentence sounded like, but after mentioning “Sicilian methods,” he adds:
“He cited something that a lot of people acted on, and I didn’t want that.”
To Gulyás’s logical question about whether Csányi threatened him at the time, he replies: “No way, Csányi was a gentleman and we had too good a relationship with him.” In any case, after the ominous sentence was pronounced, he did not seek her in January, although until then they had met weekly. Then, in February, OTP canceled all his loans in a row, after which he no longer wanted to speak to Csányi.
I asked OTP
what they say about this, and more specifically if when the bank withdrew its 15 billion working capital financing from Péti Nitrogénművek in 2008, it was due to a personal conflict between the two directors of the company. Or if Sándor Csányi negotiated with members of the government about László Bige. Response from OTP:
“In the case mentioned by you, 9 years ago, OTP Bank legally won the claim against Nitrogénművek Zrt. For an amount of more than HUF 25 billion, that Nitrogénművek Zrt. It started against OTP Bank. OTP Bank has repeatedly applied to Nitrogénművek Zrt. In writing that allows OTP Bank to share secret banking information related to the previous lawsuit and the background that led it to journalists interested in the matter. Until this contribution is granted by Nitrogénművek, OTP Bank cannot and does not intend to address the problem ”.
Mafia and method
Bige says she has been preparing for something to happen to her since the 2008 incident. “I already knew 12-13 years ago what they wanted. I was very conscious, so they can’t catch me. I don’t even have a company credit card, I pay with my own money. ”
“They are hunting me with binocular rifles. They watch me, they do environmental studies on me, I keep listening to my phone for a couple of years. “
Asked by Gulyas, he says that the capitalists of the NER – whose companies say that the news and the ashes will not stay in the long term – did not want to buy it from their kingdom: “I don’t think they want to buy it for money because it has too much value. If it gets destroyed and they take it away for free, it could be. “According to Bige, they are now trying to do this with great intensity, they want to lower the prices of their companies and then buy them.
This “includes all state infrastructure: prosecution, police, disaster management office, government office, competition office, tax office. All devices are lined up. “
“Excuse me, Mr. Bige, are you now claiming that the government is operating a mafia-like state apparatus?”
– I’m not saying anything. These are the facts.
Bigé claims to have received messages from high government circles twice:
“I was told once that I would get a free withdrawal, but if I didn’t take my store in Hungary, they would close. I didn’t take it seriously. ”
It does not mean who conveyed whose message because he could not prove it.
Peace and revenge
In the interview, of course, the big poll commissioned by Bige is discussed, and many have taken notice. According to Gulyás, on the opposition side, some now hope to be able to help the 2022 campaign with more money, as a kind of second Simicska. He rejects this parallel, because he has never been treasurer of the party, he has not gone as deep as Simicska, nor is he political, and basically he wants to be “left alone.”
But you let go of a conjecture like the one you said several times before the 2018 election:
“I have quite a few tools in my hands if I really need them. That I don’t want to use. But there are many. I also have the correct information, documentation. About things that I’m not afraid to bring up if I really have to. “
At another time, he talks about what mainly happens to his family, and he will not forget it. “I will not leave this ungrateful. It’s pretty serious, but don’t ask because I won’t answer. That will have consequences. “
– If there is no change of government, is your business career complete?
– No.
László Bige says so, despite the fact that, in his opinion, Orbán has already made a decision in his case, and “the power is quite clear.”
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