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“The main task facing the Jobbik Movement for Hungary is to remove from political power the communist successor party and the extremist liberals attached to it.” – this is stated in Jobbik’s founding statement, which was adopted by the delegates at the party’s inaugural meeting in 2003. At a time when Gergely Pongrátz was fighting with her tears, he presented the pierced flag symbolizing the revolution to those present. Even in the dream of ’56, he would not have thought that the organization he founded would be the driver of the political chariot of Ferenc Gyurcsány and the successor communist organizations.
When Jobbik called Gyurcsány “an unscrupulous traitor, hungry for power, cynical, ultra-liberal and a liar”
“Eye catcher”, “traitor”, “anti-Hungarian” – to this day, the pointers with which Jobbik politicians once addressed Ferenc Gyurcsány and members of the left are returned in Hungarian public discourse. The party, which gained strength in the 2006 anti-government protests, has positioned itself in this way for years against the fallen prime minister, who has completely defeated the current left.
“We will be satisfied if Ferenc Gyurcsány becomes a prisoner of Gyurcsány” – said Gábor Vona, former president of the party of the current president of the Democratic Coalition, shortly before the 2009 EU elections. It is significant that the party was still campaigning with the slogan “Hungary belongs to the Hungarians” at that time . After Jobbik won seats in Brussels, he also entered the Hungarian Parliament under the banner of “radical change”.
“What is Ferenc Gyurcsány looking for here, who is such a great actor that an important part of the Hungarian people would like to see him in several pieces? But apart from the joke, because there is nothing funny about it, let’s say: while they are in the church of the nation, nothing happened! “- To the train this 2011 parliamentary speech perfectly shows how he treated Ferenc Jobbik Gyurcsány at the time.
A year later, at the party’s opening ceremony, Ferenc Gyurcsány, who had left the MSZP, was described as “unscrupulous, power-hungry, cynical, ultra-liberal, a liar, traitor, and not really normal.” He said of the MSZP that the “retro section and the Kádár Art Nouveau” are fighting in the match.
And in the 2014 parliamentary election campaign, he claimed that they would not form an electoral alliance with anyone, they would not prepare for a coalition with anyone. Jobbik at the time was still completely rejecting left-wing cooperation, writing about him in his 8-point summary that “full of downcast, old, and unfit people” make up cooperation.
These people had countless years and opportunities to prove themselves, but they all fell for it. He was Minister and Prime Minister of Gyurcsány and Bajnai, Secretary of State of Mesterházy, Minister Fodor and Bokros. They ran the country for years, their work accompanied by theft, lies and scams. It was not enough?
he muttered, adding that “whoever votes for them votes for the past.”
“We will not collide with the left”
Although Jobbik politicians attacked Ferenc Gyurcsány and the left even after 2014, these voices faded more and more. The main explanation for this is that the party leadership drew the conclusion from the losing election that they can only win if they open the doors more. This marked the beginning of the so-called popular party, which was largely related to the appearance of Lajos Simicska in the party’s economic interior.
Although serious forces moved to get the Jobbik (in one way or another) to join the left-wing alliance, this had not yet been officially done. In 2017, the Vonaék, who at that time were opening more and more to the left, were still excluded from cooperating with the MSZP or DK. In their short statement, they wrote
Will Jobbik join forces with any leftist parties in the future? No.
As it turned out later, it was just a coincidence that before the 2018 parliamentary elections, Jobbik did not cooperate with any left-wing parties, as Gábor Vona had already raised the possibility of Jobbik-LMP-Momentum cooperation. In the end, this did not happen, the party, which was already approaching the left, launched independent candidates in all 106 districts and put together its own list. The loss of identity and rapprochement were punished by the electorate: both Jobbik and the left suffered catastrophic defeats and Vona lost all her partisan positions.
Then join forces with the left
After the losing vote, the unification with Gyurcsány began at a rapid pace. In June 2018 Márton Gyöngyösi The current vice president, who is not the presenter of the Jewish-speaking speech, has already answered a question about cooperation with left-wing parties that “in light of the result, something must definitely change.” He later put this together and offered something that no one at Jobbik had ever done before.
We work not only with Gyurcsány, the devil’s grandmother, if necessary
– made a statement in January 2019, in which he made it clear that
Jobbik came from the left, betraying their voters and their own statutes. As some lines were discussed, there were signs. He was still just a spokesperson for the party at the time. Jakab Péter shortly after the severe failure, he gave a joint interview in the Hungarian Orange with the anarchist face of the radical left, the dialogue Bence Tordai. After this, it is not surprising that the ideological transformation began at the lower levels as well.
Zoltán Szotyori-Lázár, godson of Gábor Vona, former Szolnok representative, was the first of Jobbik’s politicians in October 2018 to give seven precise programs on how his party should move towards local elections. He also wrote that it is completely unnecessary to nominate a right-wing candidate in each constituency in a parliamentary election. Consequently, in his opinion, there is no need to refrain from cooperating with the socialists, and even from targeting the voters of DK.
Although the left-wing parties were still on a separate list in the EU elections last May, Jobbik, led by Tamás Snieder, fully joined the left for the municipal elections. Gratitude is not a political genre: a few months later, in January, the party chairman in charge of the coalition was removed from the party presidency. Disappointed, he reacted, adding another twist to his career by “A joint list with Ferenc Gyurcsány would mean the defeat of the entire opposition. I like it, I don’t like it, we have to admit it.”
He was replaced by Péter Jakab, who is a committed supporter of total upheaval, Jobbik’s ideological desideology, and never really ruled out cooperation with Ferenc Gyurcsány.
Even the Gyurcsány list!
I can’t have a community with Ferenc Gyurcsány
– the toughening of the press immediately after the January reelection congress of the new party president so that everyone would know what he really thought. Vice President Márton Gyöngyösi put it bluntly as Jakab “At the renewal convention, he asked for the trust of the members saying that it was inconceivable to be on a list with Ferenc Gyurcsány.” The new party leader said in a March interview with one of Soros’s newspapers, hvg, that I will not be on the list with Ferenc Gyurcsány ”. Used to be a friend of the devil and Gyurcsány Gyöngyösi as a good subordinate, he told LMP close to LMP that “Gyurcsány is more of an obstacle to a common list than gay marriage. “
As is known, the issue became topical, with or without Gyurcsán, because the left-wing monarch announced in January a plan for a “common prime minister, common individual candidates and a common list.” Whoever fails is left behind: the left parties have responded to the call in line, even the Momentum has humbly requested it. Although Jobbik tries to keep it a secret, it is now quite clear
that Jakab Péters surrender to the “flashy Gyurcsány” plan and rise to the common list for one or two seats.
As can be seen from the above, the party has long been in a double communication about the fallen prime minister, who is pushing Hungary to the brink of state bankruptcy. More importantly, however, the party chairman spoke about the importance of working together last week at ATV.
“I also believe in the strength of the opposition because I see how it has gone from where to where in the last two and a half years, how much Jobbik and the other opposition parties have gone through and the change can be summed up in our ability to compromise.” he stated, which clearly means that Jobbik will be there on Gyurcsány’s list, so he is willing to give up all his past and his still existing identity.
Thus, it is only a matter of days, and Jobbik gets rid of its roots, the flashy “Gyurcsány with the prisoner” enters a common list: by order of Gyurcsány, the Jobbik logo will adorn it there alongside DK, MSZP and Momentum.
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