Index – National – Szerencs – Tiszaújváros: a typical constituency of the 2022 battlefield



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Looking for the constituency of Sunday’s interim vote, which ended with the victory of the ruling party Zsófia Koncz, we could not find better if we wanted to understand how the Hungarian political scene and the electoral system changed in the Orbán era.

Two rounds, two constituencies

In the 2010 elections, the country still consisted of 176 individual electoral districts and a two-round electoral system was in effect:

  • Ferenc Koncz (Fidesz-KDNP) had 13,795 votes (48.86%) in the electoral district of Szerencs (Borsod – Abaúj – Zemplén 11 oevk.), 55%), Ádám Ficsor of the MSZP obtained 4,711 votes (16.69%) in the first round. In the second round, Koncz won the seat with a result of 58.27%.
  • In the Tiszaújváros constituency (Borsod – Abaúj – Zemplén 12 oevk.), The participation was 59.14%. Roland Mengyi (Fidesz-KDNP) 12,552 votes (41.69%), Gergő Balla (Jobbik) 9,209 votes (30.58%), while the socialist Tibor Kovács 6,264 (20.8%)) and then won the second round with a result of 52.01%.

These two districts spectacularly showed the collapse of the socialists who had ruled until then and the rural explosion of Jobbik, the formation of a tripolar political force. The first two-thirds of Fidesz was born.

One round, one constituency

In 2013, with the adoption of the new electoral law, 106 individual electoral districts were created instead of the previous 176, these two old districts were largely merged with the center of Tiszaújváros. Roland Mengyi became president and candidate of the Fidesz constituency, while Ferenc Koncz chose the lucky mayor from among the positions that had become incompatible in the meantime.

In 2014, with a share of 59.19%, the following result was achieved in the new one-round system:

1. Roland Mengyi (Fidesz-KDNP), 19,149 votes (40.43%)
2. Gergő Balla (Jobbik), 14,009 votes (29.58%)
3. Zsolt Pap (MSZP-Együtt-DK-PM-MLP), 11,133 votes (23.51%)
4. Gábor Tarnai (LMP) 1211 votes (2.56%)

This election was itself an embodied core force, with about 40 percent turnout in the three-pole district, enough to comfortably win pro-government seats. The left became more and more forged, while in 2014 Jobbik clearly became the second force in Hungary outside of Budapest. The second two thirds.

Goodbye to the central force field

After Menoli Roland Voldemort left the stage as lord, Ferenc Koncz became the sixth constituency of Borsod – Abaúj – Zemplén in Fidesz, where the following result was achieved in 2018, with a 66.81% participation:

1. Ferenc Koncz (Fidesz-KDNP), 25,662 votes (49.3%)
2. László Bíró (Jobbik), 16,469 votes (31.64%)

3. Zsolt Pap (MSZP-P), 7,757 votes (14.9%)
4. Gábor Tarnai (LMP), 1,182 votes (2.27%)

In this constituency, even this election was tripolar. In most of the country’s districts, there was only one substantive challenger facing the pro-government candidate, but the third two-thirds were not prevented either. During a good year, the era of the central force came to an end in the fall of 2019, after, under powerful government pressure, Jobbik, who basically defined himself as the radical opposition of the government of Gyurcsány, party (and usually the left).

Fidesz or anti-Fidesz?

After Ferenc Koncz’s tragic motorcycle accident, his daughter Zsófia was nominated by Fidesz for the interim elections on Sunday, where the following result was achieved with a 45.47% turnout:

1. Zsófia Koncz (Fidesz-KDNP), 17,597 votes (50.87%)
2. László Bíró (MSZP-DK-Momentum-LMP-P), 15,875 votes (45.9%)
3. Ádám Tóth (independent), 770 votes (2.23%)

Regardless of the head-to-head acting competition, it seems almost certain that we’ve seen the main test of the 2022 lineup, where Fidesz and the increasingly forged anti-Fidesz candidate, who swallows lice and judas for the common cause, will decide. . battle.

This was won by the ruling parties on Sunday, but by 2022 there were still open questions:

  • What is sufficient for the Fidesz database and mobilization machinery in the case of a higher turnout rate than a normal election, if not right away Complete in 106 districts?
  • What happened to the more than 8,000 voters who voted for Ferenc Koncz in 2018 but not for Zsófia Koncz in 2020?
  • How much reputational damage and psychological damage does the careless neglect of anti-Semitism and other prejudices previously considered a prevalent crime in the left and liberal segments of the opposition coalition cause?
  • Do you still need it? coalition of opposition to it to Jobbik, who can’t win in the northeast either? Or will you be grateful for the Jobbik polling station, which is already set up to work together?



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