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Cabo Delgado, Mozambique’s northernmost province, has been under attack for three years. The violence broke out in 2017 when gunmen attacked a police station, killing one police officer and seriously wounding another. Locals identified the attackers as “al-shabaab”, alluding to an Islamic connection.
This year, the violence has increased. In August, militants linked to the Islamic State seized the strategic port city of the province. The militants are reported to have formal ties to the Islamic State. They are also taking advantage of local complaints.
The attacks in Cabo Delgado have resulted in loss of life and severely damaged infrastructure, already heavily affected by Cyclone Kenneth in 2019. According to the government, nearly 35,000 houses have been partially or totally destroyed. People from these communities now seek refuge in other provinces of Mozambique.
The attacks have also led to disruptions in assistance to those who need it most. These include the elderly, women, and children. And last month, Mozambican Interior Minister Amade Miquidade defined the attacks as “crimes against humanity.”
The origins of Cabo Delgado’s violent extremism are complex. Mozambique is a fragile state from many points of view. Cabo Delgado in particular has been called a “territory without government.”
It is the poorest province in Mozambique, with high unemployment and an uneven distribution of wealth. The area is rich in oil deposits, liquefied natural gas fields, and precious stones. But the people who live there have not benefited.
Since 2017, insurgents have carried out more than 600 attacks in their central and northern districts, causing more than 2,000 deaths. More than 60% were civilians.
The crisis has caused a growing number of internally displaced people: more than 300,000 at the end of September. That’s roughly 13% of the province’s population. These rising numbers could soon result in a displacement crisis.
Management of the crisis is hampered on several fronts.
The Mozambican government has been unable to openly discuss the crisis and help those in need. He also opposes the publication of updated displacement figures, fearing that they could damage the reputation of a province in which the country’s economic future is effectively mortgaged.
The lack of information from the government has contributed to confusion. Furthermore, it adheres to a military approach that has been marred by human rights abuses. An example has been the arrest of journalists who worked in the region.
Without a doubt, one of the biggest mistakes the government made was allowing the insurgents to occupy Mocímboa da Praia for a long period of time. New recruits join freely.
For their part, humanitarian agencies have focused primarily on cyclone relief efforts. And the institutions of the continent have not risen to the occasion. The regional Southern African Development Community has not stepped up and the African Union has been unable to act together. Both have an obligation, at least on paper, to help.
Although the regional body recognized the insurrection in Mozambique as a threat to the entire region in May this year, there has been no regional or international intervention.
Read more: Why South Africa has a keen interest in extremist violence in northern Mozambique
Massive displacement
Until the end of 2019, the Mozambican government had ordered its people to remain in their villages despite repeated attacks. People fleeing in search of safety were instructed to return to their lands, with the promise that military units would be sent to protect them. This official position delayed the mobilization of international aid and the opening of accommodation centers for internally displaced persons.
By September 2020, some 1,000 refugees had crossed into neighboring Tanzania. This has deepened the concerns of the international community about the impact of the conflict in the region.
With Cabo Delgado currently registering the second highest number of COVID-19 cases in Mozambique, population displacements have the potential to accelerate the spread of the virus across borders.
Also in September, Mozambique asked the European Union for help in training its armed forces to fight the insurgency. He also requested medical equipment and humanitarian assistance to help the victims of the conflict.
In October, 24 ships carrying 2,700 refugees docked near the Tanzanian island of Pemba, which is off the southern coast of Cabo Delgado province. They were fleeing violence and insecurity.
The massive displacement of people internally, along with the large number of refugees, has become a point of great concern for the government. Internally displaced Mozambicans are now at risk of abuse. This is particularly true for women and children.
Generally, access to basic services such as food and shelter is very limited. Humanitarian workers are struggling to provide an adequate response to growing needs within the restrictions of COVID-19.
Assistance and obligations
Mozambique is a state party to 15 of the 19 international conventions and protocols against terrorism and the 1999 African Union Convention to Prevent and Combat Terrorism, including the 2004 AU protocol against terrorism. These allow nation states to seek help from the international community in times of crisis caused by terror.
The African Union first recognized the crisis in February 2020. It announced its willingness to support Mozambique, but was unable to intervene before the Southern African Development Community, due to the principle of subsidiarity that governs relations between the AU and the regional economic communities.
Various instruments of the Southern African Development Community, of which Mozambique is a founding member, oblige the regional body to come to Mozambique’s aid in its fight against terrorists and insurgents.
But a regional body summit in Harare in May 2020 failed to agree on what role it could play.
Humanitarian response
These are difficult times for Mozambique. The Southern African Development Community and the African Union must urgently develop and implement a coordinated response to the crisis.
For its part, the government of Mozambique should take the lead in humanitarian response to support internally displaced citizens. You need to send multi-sectoral teams of professionals to help local authorities register the displaced and provide psychosocial support.
As the government demarcates parcels of land to resettle the displaced, it should establish more centers to house those living with host families. Reports of tensions between host families and displaced persons are increasingly common.
Access to adequate and appropriate housing and non-food items is essential to ensure that the most vulnerable are not at risk.
Mozambique is a signatory to the AU Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa. As such, the government must ensure that Mozambican security forces stop violating the rights of people who have been displaced. Furthermore, it must ensure that refugees arriving in Pemba are treated with dignity.
In addition to that, the United Nations must continue to support the government’s humanitarian response to ensure that its internally displaced populations are protected.
Cristiano D’Orsi does not work, consult, own shares, or receive funding from any company or organization that benefits from this article, and has not disclosed relevant affiliations beyond his academic appointment.
By Cristiano D’Orsi, Principal Investigator and Professor at the South African Research Chair in International Law (SARCIL), University of Johannesburg
