Oromia, one of the ethnically constituted regions of Ethiopia and the most populous region in the country, is also the political constituency of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
Unfortunately, the region is the country’s biggest security challenge.
Ahmed’s efforts to tackle the simmering ethnic conflict in Ethiopia have been largely successful. His government has managed to improve relations between the Oromo and Somali groups, which had previously clashed. And the ethnic gedeos, who had been displaced from Oromia, have generally returned to the region.
The latest outbreak of ethnic clashes was sparked by the murder in late June of Hachalu Hundessa in Addis Ababa. He was a 34-year-old Ethiopian singer and activist for Oromo rights. Ethnic violence occurred around the capital and the regional state of Oromia.
At least 239 citizens and security personnel have been killed. The internet was also shut down in Ethiopia, a common tactic the government uses to prevent the spread of violence across the country. It has now been partially restored.
The violence signals the need for Abiy to address the tensions around Oromia. Otherwise, ethnic tensions and violence in Ethiopia will continue.
Why is Oromia abuzz with ethnic tensions?
The formation of Oromo-based ethno-nationalist movements that fought for freedom and equality began in the era of Haile Selassie, who ruled as Emperor from 1930 to 1974. The Oromo Liberation Front, the most famous of them, was established in 1973.
The political narratives exploited by Oromo ethno-nationalist groups were designed to pit one group against another. In particular, most ethno-nationalists wrongly accused the Amhara people and the country’s imperial past, for what they call their history of marginalization.
The class-based oppression was undeniable. Furthermore, the majority of the country’s peasants, regardless of their ethnic origin, received the worst part of the exploitation. But there is no consensus on the marginalization of any particular group. However, the narratives of marginalization managed to create ethnic hatred towards the non-Oromos in Oromia.
In fact, the people of Amhara are not only the poorest in Ethiopia, but are widely recognized as the poorest in the world. This despite being blamed for marginalizing the rest.
Managing ethnic tensions
Since coming to power in April 2018, Abiy has tried to bring ethno-nationalists to the political center. There have been positive responses. For example, members of armed groups returned home by invitation.
But of those who returned, the Oromo Liberation Army refused to disarm. It has been in conflict with the Ethiopian army at Guji and Wollega within the Oromia region for over a year.
This has led to the murder of local administrative officials, city mayors, and government security officials. Innocent citizens have also been kidnapped.
In a country that has been devastated by the politics of ethno-nationalism, most events are interpreted along ethnic lines. Consequently, the government blames the ethno-nationalist political opposition for inciting ethnic violence. Following Hundessa’s death, the government arrested powerful activist Oromo Jawar Mohammed and other political leaders. He accused them of using Hundessa’s tragic death to incite ethnic violence.
The government raided the Oromia Media Network, founded by Jawar Mohammed, who until recently was its director, and arrested some journalists. The network called for more violence. Even Facebook removed some of the network’s posts for inciting violence.
Wider challenges
Ultimately, Ahmed’s pacifist and conciliatory approach is commendable. His administration had created new government commissions to support national reconciliation and resolve internal boundary conflicts.
Unfortunately, given the high level of ethnic polarization, these promising beginnings have faded.
Recent violence, as challenging as it has been, is not the greatest test facing the government. The Tigray People’s Liberation Front, once a dominant force within the former Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, remains a staunch critic of Ahmed’s leadership.
After the Ethiopian parliament indefinitely postponed the general elections due to the Covid-19 pandemic, Tigrayan officials promised to go ahead with their own regional elections. This is a decision that Ahmed’s new Prosperity Party and many other political organizations consider unconstitutional.
Ahmed’s promising reforms
Despite challenges in recent years, the Ahmed government has achieved high marks on multiple fronts. For example, the number of internally displaced persons decreased by more than 1.4 million.
Most of Ethiopia, with a population of more than 110 million, is stable, except for outbreaks of violence and conflict in Oromia.
Progress in institutional development efforts, such as good governance and security sector reforms, liberalizing the economy by facilitating ways of doing business, and environmental protection efforts are also encouraging.
Politically, the Ahmed administration has created a unified party at the national level that replaced the Ethno-Nationalist Revolutionary Democratic Front of the Ethiopian People. The front had repressed and considered many ethnic minorities as second-class citizens.
Through his new Prosperity Party, Ahmed has been preaching unity.
On the economic front, in addition to speeding up the construction of the Ethiopian Renaissance Great Dam and upholding the country’s right to use its water resources, it has taken steps to save an economy that was on a cliff.
At the regional level, in addition to repairing relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea, which earned him the Nobel Peace Prize, Ahmed has supported Somalia’s quest for peace and reconciliation with Somaliland. His efforts to lift Sudan out of the shadows of the ethnic conflict are also widely recognized.
Work remains
As the government tries to guarantee much-needed peace and security at the national level, it must design strategies to help shift the country’s priorities toward economic transformation.
To effectively quell security challenges, the Ethiopian federal government must also take swift action to protect the constitutional rights of citizens to live and work anywhere in Ethiopia. It must also act decisively to improve bureaucratic efficiency to serve and protect its citizens.
Yohannes Gedamu, professor of political science, Georgia Gwinnett College
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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