China is not a Soviet Union, US must find another way to compete

• The US and China have exchanged sanctions on several senior officials, another sign of how relations between the two forces have deteriorated.
• Despite being cast as a new Cold War, competition with China will not be a repeat of those with the Soviet Union, and the US must find a new way to counter and work against Beijing, writes colleague Daniel R. DePetris of Defense Priorities.
• This is an opinion column. The thoughts expressed are those of the author.
• Visit the Business Insider website for more stories.

The Chinese Communist Party is nothing but consistent.

Three days after the U.S. Treasury Department sanctioned 11 Chinese and Hong Kong officials for enforcing the new territorial security law, Beijing announced its sanctions on 11 U.S. lawmakers and heads of organizations.

The latest allegations mimic the previous rounds of restraining orders imposed by the CCP, including the imposition of travel bonds last month on certain U.S. officials in response to Washington’s action against four Chinese officials for involvement in human rights abuses.

Relations between the US and China have been at their worst since the US established ties with the PRC more than 41 years ago. It will take a significant dose of pragmatism, prudence and wisdom on both sides if the two economic superpowers have any hope of rescuing one of the most important bilateral relations in the world.

At present, such a task seems almost impossible. Differences are becoming more and more pronounced, limiting the few opportunities for collaboration that exist. Each power now considers the other as a chief strategic opponent, a belief that often results in paranoia and worst assumptions about the intentions of the other. China’s large territorial claims in the South China Sea, its persistent theft of American intellectual property, and its unfair trade practices have left a mark on those in Washington, DC, who seek to base US-China policy on full-scale confrontation. .

Unfortunately, simplifying China as a current Soviet Union misplaces the problem and leads to a flawed cure. Fighting Chinese power everywhere and everywhere will deplete the US, drain its resources and weaken American power in the long run.

For nearly 30 years, the Washington State Department of Foreign Policy has been accustomed to the United States being the most powerful force in the global system. But this is no longer the world we live in.

While the US is still the largest military and economic power in the world, China is a close second. Since the turn of the century, the Chinese economy has grown from $ 1.2 trillion to $ 14.3 trillion. China’s exponential growth has allowed the CCP to invest additional resources in building a capable, modernized and capable military, including a world – class navy.

With its regular trips into Japanese waters, flyovers across the Straits of Taiwan, and a trillion-dollar Belt and Road initiative in Eurasia, China does what emerging forces have done throughout history – translating their economic success into geopolitical taxation. A US containment policy would have the adverse effect of increasing the sense of alarmism in Beijing.

The US can and should compete economically with China. But it must do so responsibly to prevent this competitiveness from drifting to military matters.

A decoupling from China, Washington’s largest trading partner outside of North America, is not a realistic proposal. A complete separation of economic ties would produce unusual pain for middle-class Americans and erode the international financial system.

A military-to-military showdown simply undermines hardline positions in both Washington and Beijing and undermines the credibility of those calling for dialogue and de-escalation.

What would a better US policy look like?

First, officials in Washington need to realize that not every dispute with Beijing can be resolved. In fact, some of these disputes are likely to be outside limits of compromise, regardless of who is at the top of the CCP hierarchy. China is a proud nation that takes the defense of its sovereignty with the utmost seriousness.

As brutal as some of China’s domestic practices are, the US does not have much power to change them. US sanctions on Chinese individuals, organizations or financial entities will not persuade Beijing to reform its system of government any more than Chinese sanctions will persuade the US to do so.

Second, if the US wants to prevent conflict with Beijing and at the same time potentially prevent Chinese expansionism, Washington would have to shift its role in Asia from first responder to last resort balance. U.S. allies and partners in the region, including Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Australia, Vietnam, Indonesia and Malaysia are sensible countries with both the will and the power to defend their own interests and protect their own sovereignty.

Instead of buying additional fighter jets as missile systems on land, the US should encourage China’s neighbors to invest in the kinds of defensive technology that would complicate hypothetical Chinese aggression. Working together, the Central Powers of Asia can balance Beijing, thereby minimizing the potential of a military entanglement to the U.S. military.

Third, U.S. officials should continue to keep communication lines open with their Chinese counterparts at all levels of the relationship. Talks such as television of Defense Secretary Mark Esper on August 6 with Chinese Defense Minister Wei Fenghe or Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s meeting in June with Chinese Judge Wang Jeichi in Hawaii should occur more frequently.

Lack of communication is a recipe for error. Dialogue is a key ingredient in a successful strategy of great strength competition that improves understanding and prevents dangerous miscalculations.

The US and China are the two largest economic powers in the world. They have about 40% of the total GDP of the world between them. Both need to learn how to make peace with each other – even more so today as perceptual differences characterize the relationship.

Daniel R. DePetris is a fellow at Defense Priorities and a columnist at the Washington Examiner.