/cloudfront-us-east-1.images.arcpublishing.com/copesa/OBRSZC6PW5DJ5GA32DW5V2T23Q.jpg)
[ad_1]
Although from the beginning of the discussion he made clear his preference and what he thought about the constituent process – he was going for the Rejection and that it was better to channel the changes through legislation – the president of the Confederation of Production and Commerce (CPC), Juan Subtle, see an opportunity in this new chapter that opens.
He believes that if ideological thinking is put aside and rather a balance between the free market and social democracy is aimed, this new Chile could work.
How do you analyze the succession of events that led to the plebiscite?
-It is unfortunate that political processes sometimes have to go to extremes in order for there to be changes. From the business world we all know that changes are constant and that they have to be made permanently, that did not happen in the Chilean political process where it took a long time for any change to be made and the one that was made was did very wrong.
Today politics in the country does not work, and this process lands my perception that we were never up to the task. In my opinion, the way in which all this was structured also represents a political error, because what was done was to divide the country, which is why I was always in favor of making these changes through the legislative process, because this process with all its Implications do not even guarantee that we will achieve all of these goals.
The constitutional path of the business community after the plebiscite
Bettina Horst, Director of Public Policies at LyD: “An archaic State like the one we have cannot be subsidiary or supportive”
Bernardo Larraín, president of Sofofa: “It is important that political and business leaders put their expectations (of a new Constitution) where they need to be”
Alejandro Micco, former Undersecretary of Finance: “The risk is greatly limited if there is a clear route, and that route we are following”
What are the main factors that will allow the writing of a Constitution that promotes development?
-The main thing is that there must be unrestricted respect for democracy, we must ensure that it is representative and transparent. I think it is very important to reinforce the system and its constituencies, as well as to strengthen the institutionality or correct it if appropriate. For example, the Central Bank is a clear proof of institutionality, so why don’t we do something similar with the Comptroller’s Office or other organizations.
We must proceed to eliminate the last enclave of the dictatorship: the administrative statute. What it has done is to discourage meritocracy and contain productivity. Just as this change is strongly demanded in many respects, it is also necessary to be honest to say that this all it does is make public employees bolt. It is necessary to make the public sector operate with a Labor Code similar to that of the private world. In this way we will be able to achieve the modernization of the State, because it is no less true that in Chile many resources are lost in bad programs and bad administration.
We must also strengthen all international treaties, starting with the universal declaration of Human Rights, passing through the free trade treaties, up to all those related to the protection of foreign investment. That is key to continue growing.
What are the other key issues for the Constitution?
-What should not be altered is everything that generates stability for the proper development of the enterprise and the company. Any act that does not allow freedom threatens future development. That’s why issues like protected property rights and timely payment are important. But perhaps the most important thing is to look at the modifications with rationality and not from the ideological point of view.
Are you optimistic about the work of the future Convention?
– I have spoken with several constitutionalists and I believe that there is an important spirit to do something totally balanced and that is reasonable for the development of the country. However, I also believe that a lot will depend on how the constituents are chosen and not on the good intentions and patriotic sense of the constitutionalists. It is that if the constituents are like Florcita Motuda or Pamela Jiles, I see a high risk of failure, because people are needed who are going to think about the future of the country and not about destroying it.
How do you see the result of this whole process?
-I honestly believe that Chile is going to end up with a reasonable Constitution. But my great concern is that there are political agreements that allow the country to move forward. For that, we must also put aside that destructive discourse against institutions, people and companies.
If it is decided to maintain a balance between the liberal and social democratic model – which I see closer and closer to each other – I believe this can work and there may be fertile ground.
Do you think that with the results of the plebiscite the violence in Chile will end?
-In a first stage I don’t see it so clear. I believe that violence will decrease slowly, to the extent that current and future authorities have a conscience and pants to understand and confront it. Violence has nothing to do with social demands, but rather is associated with anarchy and drug trafficking. As long as that is not understood, it will not disappear, it will only do so when faced with a heavy hand.
A few days ago, businessman Jorge Claro sent a letter to his children and grandchildren in which he stated his position regarding the process. You are distant from that of your son, the businessman Matías Claro, with which of the two do you identify more?
-I think more like Jorge Claro, although I am in the middle between one generation and another, I think he is more realistic and has a broader view. Like him, I think that all this could be resolved by another way than the constitutional one. Your child has a legitimate vision that obeys a different generation.
