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Clarifies Alejandra Matus that will return next May “with beds and flasks “ to Chile, after a new period of residence in U.S started in August 2019 to study a master’s degree in creative writing.
Before, she was in the North American country for two years as a political asylee, as she was accused of violation of the State Internal Security Law because of what he revealed in “The black book of Chilean justice”, from 1999.
And from a distance, the journalist’s gaze is very critical of the Chilean reality, but she trusts the constituent process and the commitment of the citizens.
“This is a crucial and very hopeful moment, but also very risky because we have never had the possibility of making a Constitution considering the participation of citizens. And this process must be opened between the coronavirus pandemic, the crisis of confidence, the economic problems and several elections. Everything is complex and challenging, but I think that people will know how to distinguish the main from the secondary to help Chile have a Constitution that truly makes it a democratic country, “says Paula Libre de La’s also panelist. Net.
-There is fear that the process will be dominated by political parties, very discredited and that they did not start the path of changes …
—The strange thing is that the electoral moments designed in the past overlap with this re-founding moment. It is strange, electing mayors, governors, parliamentarians and even the next President under the Constitution of 1980, when the energies are put in writing a new Constitution. They are parallel worlds that run with their own logic, but must lead to a single process.
-From afar, you removed the country with your tweets that denounced the mismanagement of the pandemic. How do you see the management of the coronavirus here now?
—What has been most evident are the weaknesses of the Chilean hyper-presidential political system. In the United States a president like Donald trump He has said thirty stupid things a second, but since he does not have all the power, each state can make its own decisions.
-But the United States continues to be the country with the most sick and dead …
“True, but it would be worse if the states did not decide.” For example, New York was the epicenter at the beginning of the pandemic, but measures were taken and now there are very strict protocols that allow the situation to be controlled. And the states that followed Trump’s advice are now paying the price.
-Going back to Chile, do you appreciate the handling of the pandemic better or worse?
—As unfortunately we have only one command, the Minister of Health on duty must obey the orders of the President (Sebastián Piñera), who has not been convinced to take the necessary measures. And that’s why you see bureaucracy and many exceptions. They are formally correct measures, but when applied they have never served to control the pandemic. It is ridiculous that people circulate from Monday to Friday to work and shop, and on weekends they are confined. Measurements must be consistent over time.
-What explains such illogical logic?
—It is the reflection of a very authoritarian system. Nothing is explained. There are no arguments to justify what is done and there is no possibility of arguing. Until now no one knows why the curfew is maintained. And you can travel abroad, but not within the country. Everything is opaque. It is “The Chilean way” … Most of them have precarious jobs, but the Government does not help them and they must spend their savings. And that’s what governments exist for, to support their people, not to announce the second wave of the pandemic.
-How is Chile appreciated from abroad?
-In February I wrote an article for a US magazine entitled ‘The end of the Chilean fantasy’, which summarizes the perplexity with which what happened to tell of the social outbreak was seen from the outside. But I think that for a long time we were no longer the “jaguars” of the 90s, something that died during the government of Eduardo Frei. Today they see us as a country that is part of a group of nations that in some way put in tension the capacity of representative democracy to process the political conflicts of their societies. If there is something significant highlighted by the international media, it is that Chile, where neoliberalism was born, is where it will die. That is a phrase that has been repeated a lot.
-Three years ago you published the book “Myths and truths of the AFPs”. How do you analyze what has happened with the administrators?
-I never imagined what is happening in terms of questions with them, a pillar of the system. Not even the most imaginative writer could anticipate the effects of the social outbreak and the pandemic, which have had a corrosive effect on appearances, which have collapsed and exposed the Chilean reality. There is no space for communication campaigns. In addition, the Chilean people have been super sensible in all their behaviors, and that is why it irritates when the Government, when announcing measures, continues to place the responsibility on the people, who must resort to their 10% or have to take care of themselves. If the pandemic has not been worse in Chile, it is because people take care of themselves beyond what the Government tells them, because if they paid attention to many strange measures, the situation would be more dramatic.
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