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While, on the one hand, the speech of President Sebastián Piñera and his ministers who call for unity in moments of greatest political and social tension, such as the prelude to the plebiscite of October 25, is constantly repeated, on the other, they come suddenly the next electoral processes that will mark the future of the Government with a view to the presidential elections. In this context, the call for unity is presented with disqualifying adjectives such as “pathetic” to refer to the actions of the opposition, as expressed by the Minister of the Interior, Víctor Pérez, who points out that “the left wants the people stay poor in order to manipulate them. ”This sentence accounts for a double-edged operation, detected for a long time by the opposition, which questions the effectiveness of the hard-handed and soft-handed policy, with a view to pro-government purposes in Parliament.
La Moneda seeks to overcome in the short, medium and long term two years of extreme difficulty to survive at a time when the figure of President Piñera, as well as the Executive, are highly questioned, with surveys that are barely 20% and that the they expose any significant blow or defeat to knock them out.
With a view to the immediate, this week the anniversary of the social outbreak of October 18 and the realization of the plebiscite of October 25 crossed. The strategy is not very far-fetched. The first mission is to prevent President Sebastián Piñera from being defeated from one of the most symbolic political and social days in the history of democracy in our country. In this way, the objective is to ensure that one of the biggest fears for La Moneda, such as that the result of the plebiscite of October 25 could be analogous to a recall referendum of the Government, is not fulfilled. In fact, the government spokesman, Jaime Bellolio, mentioned that the ghosts of a new and hard blow for President Piñera, in the face of what is expected to be a resounding triumph of the Approval, remain intact.
For this reason, prior to the anniversary of the outbreak and a week after the unprecedented plebiscite, the idea of Palacio has been to try to superimpose the figure of the President in the key of statesman and, in this way, avoid the contingency fray, seeking to appease to some degree the eventual defeat that may befall him. This would explain why it was finally decided to hide the Head of State this last weekend, since the possibility of a speech on his part was always considered, a decision that remained firm even after the emergency meeting called in Palace after the day of demonstrations on Sunday and that the head of state sat at the table with the Minister of the Interior, the undersecretary of this portfolio and the general director of the Carabineros, Mario Rozas.
Although at the seat of Government they have taken great pains to try to distinguish themselves from the nickname of the “Rejection cabinet”, continually explaining that there is a large number of portfolio managers who would be by the option of Approval – as, among others, the Minister of the Segpres, Cristián Monckeberg; his peer from the Treasury, Ignacio Briones; or the head of Defense, Mario Desbordes–, it has been impossible for them to change the perception of the citizenry, which makes an indissoluble link between the Executive and the Rejection, with which a large part of his coalition is betting mainly to prevent a new Constitution.
This has become a headache no less, considering the predictions that bet that any figure linked to the option of rejecting a new Magna Carta will have a greater difficulty at the time of an eventual presidential election, tied to the consequences that it entails for La Moneda having to carry the heavy backpack of a defeat of this caliber.
In September, the Criteria survey addressed the case of the perception of citizenship under the title of “Chileans project: What will Piñera vote in October?”, And the result is decisive: 66 percent think that the President he will lean towards the Rejection option, giving reasons such as “because of his personal interests or because he does not want to lose his privileges” or “because of his ideology.” At the same time, except for Minister Mario Desbordes, all the others would give the impression that their vote will also be for Rejection.
Considering all the difficulties to uncheck the Head of State from the eventual defeat of the Rejection, it is that both the speech and the next public appearances of President Piñera have been worked out and thought in detail, considering that the countdown has already begun, and that any “own goal “A few days before the plebiscite, he can leave a mark on his figure that is impossible to remove over time, an issue that has always greatly concerned the President, that is, what will be the final reading that makes the story of his passage to the command of the country.
This is how last Friday and via Zoom, the President held a meeting with the former Heads of State, Ricardo Lagos Escobar and Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle, in search of giving a great sign of unity, trying to remove the differences between those who They are by one option or another.
The main idea that will be installed within this week points to the fact that the plebiscite is finally “the institutional solution” to the demands of the social outbreak, and on this occasion, unlike several others, the President will seek to share the victory with those who they signed the peace agreement and a new Constitution and, in this way, make the separation between what they classify as the institutional left and that which is not.
Within this option, there is also the intention that the President be recognized in the end for his role in the agreement of November 15, a perception that has been elusive to this day and that it is tried by all means to install, as did the Minister of the Interior, Víctor Pérez, who in an interview with Third He noted that the legacy of the Head of State will be “to have chosen an institutional path to resolve the differences between Chileans.”
The other mission
On the one hand, the sense of unity as a primary factor with a view to the immediate, such as the plebiscite, and along a parallel track, a speech with high-caliber criticism thinking about the next two years, where the transfer of command and what is considered, in the voice of several officials of the ruling party, the true legacy of President Piñera, consisting of handing over the presidential sash to one of his own.
There have been several episodes of clash between the ruling party and the opposition, with remembered chapters such as when the President himself described an opposition sector as unpatriotic, or the moment when he also accused them of being on the side of violence when the project was rejected. of Aula Segura. However, the motivations at that time were different.
Today, with a view to the elections of mayors and governors, which are considered to set the tone for the presidential elections, and in the midst of a mission to recover from the gap that the social outbreak implied for the Government, where it lost the support of A large part of its electorate, the tone applied to counteract the work in the opposition sector, thinking of speaking to their voters, has been climbing to “almost intolerable” levels, as pointed out by a member of the ruling party. In this sense, a PS deputy recalled when the former spokesperson, Cecilia Pérez, publicly linked them, as a party, with the accusations of drug trafficking networks, which resulted in greater difficulty for the Executive in Parliament and a rather with overtones of war than dialogue, they added.
But the cards are thrown – they pointed out – and the bet of a double-edged speech has already been made, with the risks that it carries. At the end of September, and after consulting the minister spokesman for the situation in Chile, we are going with a view to a broader electoral pact, including or not the Republican Party, the Secretary of State took the time to cross the path and refer to the failure of the opposition on the matter, noting that “it is good for Chile when it has an opposition that, instead of being fragmented, whose sad legacy will be the constitutional accusations and the blocking of some projects, rather the opposite.” On that occasion the alerts had already been set in the opposition due to the harshness of his words.
But on October 6, some consider that a limit was crossed when, consulted by the dilemma that arose between the viability of the constitutional accusation against Minister Víctor Pérez, or the request for the resignation of the general director of the Carabineros, Mario Rozas, the same minister Bellolio replied that “unfortunately the opposition, in view of how pathetic the weekend was in its explanations for not having reached an agreement on electoral issues, has again found the same letter up its sleeve that they have drawn all the past times : present a constitutional accusation without any legal basis ”.
In this sense, when consulted from the opposition, they said they understood that this would be part of the ultimate mission of the new cabinet to recover its electorate, speaking to them clearly and directly, but without considering “the institutional consequences” that this may entail. In this case, they stressed that this could create a greater problem, because somehow an “inadequate treatment” between adversaries is being put down and that, after it escalates, it is impossible to return to page zero, but it has already escalated, they insisted
In this sense, the Minister of the Interior, Víctor Pérez, was not left behind when, on October 9, in a discussion organized by the Jaime Guzmán Foundation, he stated that “we wanted people to stop being poor, the left wants people to stay poor in order to be able to direct it, manipulate it, use it“, what has been read as a declaration of war, and the prelude to what is expected for the next two electorally charged years.
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