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Whether or not it is a “super Monday” for the controversial return of Pablo Longueira, the entanglement that the party has taken between approvals, rejections, and intrigues around the end of the year internship could open a season of the unpredictable UDI TV series in four more days, September 7.
Two things will happen that day. One, the directive of Jacqueline van Rysselberghe wants to set the final date of the elections that will define her succession; it would fall in December, before Christmas. Two, at 6 p.m. on former leader will speak for the first time in years to the union people in the Expanded Political Commission to re-explain his alleged plan to face the constituent process, voting “I approve” and signing candidates for the conventional one.
So far no more certainties come for now. The rest is a nebula that could begin to dissipate if – as some believe – his speech on Monday is also read as a kind of campaign launch for the party’s presidency. As that will be telematic, there will be no way to know if it conserves a lot or a little drag with a full or half-filled room. However, the plates continue to move in the party founded by Jaime Guzmán: Although many continue to criticize that Longueira plays the lone ranger, without having built a consensus before showing his cards, all this has further disordered the fight for who will control the store during the crucial two years ahead. Let’s see.
Today the former senator released a photo with Evelyn matthei just a couple of days after he called her “bad milk” for having warned him that he cannot preside over the party until he leaves the SQM trial that has him accused of bribery. So far it is known that this process will be reactivated on October 5, that is, a few days after the deadline for applicants to succeed JVR to register (60 days before interns). The question for which no one has an answer is how he could then aspire to the position; an old acquaintance of his sentences that “If Longueira doesn’t care, the problem doesn’t exist”. They do not comment on the directive.
In the UDI, whether or not they agree with him, or whether or not they are his friends, this morning it was commented and warned that could be excluded from all political events, after the prosecution made it appear that the Electoral Service has to determine whether or not it can vote in the October plebiscite. His lawyers declined to shed light on this, made the consultations for this note. And among those who are working with him on his media and deployment plan for Monday, they affirm that what the experts have told them is that, as long as there is no ruling, their citizen rights have not been violated.
Some of the doubt has been cleared today, but it does not solve the puzzle. Longueira, according to understandings, can vote because the prosecution never asked to suspend the right to vote. As he appears on the roll, being audited and the deadlines to challenge it having expired, he is entitled to vote. Another thing: the prosecution accuses him of the crime of bribery, for which he risks 818 days, and that is not enough for an afflictive penalty (a punishment that according to the Constitution suspends these rights). But the public prosecutor also requests an accessory penalty, of temporary disqualification from public office for five years and one day.
“According to the information that has circulated, Pablo Longueira is accused of a crime whose assigned penalty is not afflictive: If so, he is not suspended from his right to vote as the assumptions established in article 16 numeral are not met. 2nd. The foregoing is even reaffirmed by the fact that it appears in the electoral roll for the plebiscite. If Pablo Longueira does not have his right to vote suspended, there is no legal reason that disables him from running for the presidency of his party, unless there is some other statutory inability that we do not know about ”, the lawyer rounded up Jorge Barrera, Professor of Law at the Universidad San Sebastián.
She will be able to vote on October 25, and while there is no sentence, she will be able to compete with the inmates of the UDI. But if a sentence that disables it falls, everything will go back to zero. Thus, what Moors and Christians show in the party is that with the election crossed by the trial, this will be a flank of constant controversy (the Minister of the Interior, Víctor Pérez, has already stumbled when saying that he believes in his innocence) .
In a parallel lane, but not alien to this, the intrigues and calculations run before the December inmates. JVR is not going to get involved openly, but what they would most like for their team is the following: that Longueira’s resurrection declines on its own, that the reluctance with which the dissident deputies have received him (“let him compete” they barely told him declared intentions to lead the UDI) convince him that he does not have the power of before, and that after all that he ended up naturally allying himself with her.
The “until” of this aspiration? That they both go on the same list, he as a candidate for president and she for vice president, and that his dragging discourages and ipso facto neutralizes the candidacy already announced by deputy María José Hoffmann. “Together they would be unstoppable, no one would dare,” say the most enthusiastic. In the party there are other voices who believe that in such a case “there will be no internal.” On the side of Deputy Hoffmann they do not deny that it would be complicated for them, but they state outside quotes that they are determined to compete equally and that they would express it soon.
If all else fails, they would put their chips on the senator on the table. Juan Antonio Coloma. The premise is that if the SQM trial or any other factor leaves Longueira out of the inmate, then the other “colonel” should enter the field: the point is that they bet that Hoffmann, by anga or by manga, will not compete or preside over the match. So are the spirits there.
But what about Coloma has a mystery. He was only willing to be a man at the command of a unit table and without fratricidal competition to two lists; but his friends say he is not considered a candidate so far.
His name appeared on this map when JVR dropped the letter from Víctor Pérez (Piñera’s call to sign him in the Interior came two days before the day he was going to answer the senator), and then the option to repatriate the “jovinist” Domingo Arteaga from the embassy in Mexico to head a unitary list.
Then the UDI chief raised a probe balloon with the letter from her secretary general, Felipe Salaberry; but even before Longueira, Coloma was his best option. The problem is that he and JVR do not have the best relations (he supported the dissent in the internal past) and that until now it had not been decided.
In the party they say that Longueira would have “got him up early”, but other voices deny that the senator is competing with him. The thing is that Coloma shares the logic of the former minister to look at April, but not the “I approve.” He, like Andrés Chadwick, continue for the “Rejection”, and all this deck of the former leader was not “agreed or shared” by either of them, they affirm in the hearts of the UDI colonels.
While all this is happening, Longueira continues trying to reactivate networks. Yesterday he had a zoom with just over 40 -they say on his team- former mayors and former deputies, militants and former UDI militants to preach to them its constituent drawing. Men like Dario Molina (former deputy during the glory years of the former union president), and they connected Former parliamentarians such as Andrea Molina and Marcelo Forni.
Meanwhile, Longueira also plays the neutral agent in the Lavín versus Matthei fight. With her already got together today and a coffee with the mayor is pending.
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